Referendums Čavesam ļauj palikt amatā

ja interesē linki par šo tēmu - tos var atrast delfos: Čavess uzvar referendumā par pilnvaru termiņa ierobežojumu atcelšanu

Laimiigaa kaartaa Kents daudz info ielicis, jo Diena aciimredzami sho veerieniigo notikumu nerespektee! kapec?

te nav runa par 'izvēli' jo ASV aktīvi cenšas gāzt sociālistu valdības - 2002.g. aprīlī arī Venecuēlā par laimi, ASV sabiedrība nav tik neirotiska kā ASV valdība - tāpēc vairs nevar atļauties klaju agresiju , ir jāizmanto 'soft power' starp citu, kapitālisms ir gandrīz visur pasaulē - bet pasaulē pārsvarā ir dziļa nabadzība. Atkal laikam 'sociālisti' pie vainas:( kapitālistu 'šoka terapijas" ir ļoti veselīgas un Latvija jau 18 gadus 'ārstējas'

Ну, опять фотография:-) Думаю, что на любой латышской (русской, американской и т.д.) демонстрации можно найти гораздо более дебильные лица:-) Вот оно, зомбирование в действии:-) Подбор фотографий, манипулятивные тексты статей:-) А Диена, как флагман армии зомби:-)

Mēs jau tur nesen bijām. Paldies, vairāk negribu. Vai nu sociālisms, kur visi vienādi nabagi, vai kapitālisms ar bagātajiem vai nabagajiem. Izvēle nav liela, bet es tomēr izvēlos pēdējo.

Democracy, Revolution, and Term Limits in Venezuela President for life? It misleadingly characterises the proposed reform as “indefinite re-election”, implying that the vote is about whether or not to make “Chavez president for life”. All the amendment would do is remove existing restrictions on standing for election, Chavez, or any other incumbent, would still be required to actually win the popular vote. As well, Venezuela’s constitution includes the profoundly democratic right to hold a referendum on whether or not to recall any elected official from halfway through their term if 20% of their electors sign a petition calling for one. The opposition called a recall referendum on Chavez in 2004, which he won. In response, the Bolivarian government has pointed out that many states throughout the world do not have term limits for their heads of state, without this being considered anti-democratic The Venezuelan people have the right to determine their political system and decide for themselves who can or cannot stand for election — this right to self-determination is the most relevant democratic principle at stake in the referendum

Economic Progress Like most Latin American economies, the Venezuelan economy deteriorated during the 1980s and most of the 1990s. From 1998 to 2003 real per capita GDP continued to stagnate while the Chavez government survived two general strikes by the largest Venezuelan business association, a military coup, and finally a devastating two month strike by the state owned oil company. However, after Chavez survived the opposition sponsored recall election, annual economic growth was 18.3% in 2004, 10.3% in 2005, and 10.3% in 2006, and the unemployment rate fell from 18.4 % in June 2003 to 8.3% in June 2007. Moreover, most of the growth was in the non-oil sectors of the economy, as the oil sector barely grew during 2005 and 2006. While this impressive growth would not have been possible without the rise in international oil prices, it also would not have been possible had the Chavez government not ignored the warnings of neoliberal critics and pursued aggressive expansionary fiscal and monetary policies. At the height of the oil strike the poverty rate rose to 55.1% of households and a startling 62.1% of the population. However, by the end of 2006 the poverty rate had declined dramatically to 30.6% of households and 36.3% of the population, which compares favorably with a pre-Chavez rate of poverty in 1997 for households of 55.6% and for individuals of 60.9%. While much of this decrease in poverty was due to strong economic growth, it was also due to a dramatic increase in social spending by the Chavez government. Social spending per person by the central government increased by an average of 19% per year from 1998 to 2007. However, this does not include social spending by the state-owned oil company. If social spending by PDVSA is included, there was an increase of 35% per person per year since 1998. The most dramatic increase in social spending was in the area of health care. In 1998 there were over 14,000 Venezuelans for each primary healthcare physician, and few physicians worked in rural or poor urban areas. By 2007 there was one primary healthcare physician for every 1,300 Venezuelans, and many of the new physicians were working in clinics in rural areas and poor barrios that had never had physicians before.2 There are also now 16,000 stores in poor areas throughout the country selling staples at a 30% discount on average.

Only Americans who search out the alternative media discover that Hugo Chavez was elected President by a comfortable margin in 1998, survived an opposition-sponsored recall in 2004, and most recently was re-elected in December 2006 with more than 60% of the vote. International observers certified all three elections as fair and square. George Bush, on the other hand, was selected President by a partisan Supreme Court after losing the popular vote in 2000, and won re-election only because enough black voters in Ohio were disenfranchised by a partisan Republican official to keep the Buckeye State in the Republican column in 2004. Few observers believe Bush could survive a recall election today, but of course this basic element of democratic rule is not permitted by the US Constitution. Nonetheless, the only storyline ninety-nine percent of Americans hear remains: Hugo Chavez is a dictator and George Bush is the democratically elected leader of the free world. Similarly, only the small fraction of Americans who access the alternative media learn that RCTV was not shut down because it campaigns openly against the government -- which it has for nine years. Instead, when its license came up for renewal, its application was denied because it had violated 200 conditions of its licensing agreement -- many violations having to do with its role in helping to organize a military coup that nearly toppled the duly elected President of the country. Moreover, the station continues to broadcast on a cable network, and the opposition in Venezuela still broadcasts on more major TV channels than there are channels sympathetic to the government. In stark contrast, the alternative media in the US cannot be viewed on any major channel. Consequently the vast majority of Americans receive all their news from a mainstream media which never questions whether the US has any right to dominate other nations, but only debates the wisdom of alternative strategies for doing so, and would never dream of questioning the desirability of an economic system dominated by their corporate owners. Nevertheless the storyline most Americans hear remains: Freedom of the press is dead in totalitarian Venezuela, but alive and well in the democratic United States.

According to Leon, RCTV is the country's most popular TV channel and those who watch the channel are much more concerned about losing its soap operas and game shows than its political programming. "Chavez will not come out of this unhurt with regard to his popularity," said Leon and added that this was perhaps the most unpopular decision Chavez has made during his entire presidency. In other controversial matters, a large majority of Chavez supporters are in favor of the president's effort to create a unified socialist party, with 64.7% indicating approval and only 13.9% opposed. The rest did not indicate their preference. This Datanalisis survey was financed by subscribers to Datanalisis's newsletter, which goes out to about 300 of Venezuela's main private businesses. Latinobarometro Study Another poll that was released recently is a study by Latinobarometro, a Chilean NGO that conducts annual surveys of political opinion in all of Latin America. According to their latest survey of how friendly Latin Americans perceive each other, Venezuela and Brazil were viewed as the two friendliest countries. The country perceived as the least friendly is the U.S. When broken down by country, though, the perception of the U.S. is quite divided with some, such as Venezuela (53.0%), Argentina (38.0%), Mexico (33.0%), Bolivia (24.0%), and Brazil (20.0%) expressing the least confidence in the U.S. Others, though, express strong sympathy with the U.S., such as Panama (62%), Dominican Republic (52.0%), El Salvador (52.0%), Colombia (42.0%), and Costa Rica (38.0%). Of all countries in Latin America, Venezuela made the largest leap in the past eight years, from a relatively low friendliness perception of only 4% to the highest spot in the list, at 8%. According to Marta Lago, the director of Latinobarometro, this has something to do with Chavez's foreign policy, which has focused much on reaching out to and integrating Latin American countries. "It calls to one's attention how Chavez sets the agenda of Latin America because the friends [countries] that are perceived in Latin America are the friends of Chavez," said Lagos, referring to Brazil, Argentina, and Cuba, which top off the list together with Venezuela. The Latinobarometro survey was conducted in 18 countries and among over 20,000 participants.

Poll: Chavez Approval 65%, Despite 70% Rejection of TV Channel's Non-Renewal April 26th 2007, by Gregory Wilpert - Venezuelanalysis.com Caracas, April 25, 2007 (venezuelanalysis.com)- President Chavez's performance in office continues to be viewed positively by nearly two-thirds of the population, despite a 70% rejection of the non-renewal of the TV broadcast license of RCTV, according to the Venezuelan polling firm Datanalisis. Also, a new Latinobarometro poll finds that Latin Americans view Venezuela as the friendliest country in the Americas. 64.7% of Venezuelans viewed Chavez's performance in office positively in March and 29.6% viewed it negatively, explained Datanalisis Director Luis Vicente Leon to Venezuela's foreign press association today. The survey was conducted between March 12 and 23, among 1,300 Venezuelans of all socio-economic levels, with a margin of error of 2.7%. A breakdown of the population's perception of the country's current situation shows that opinions about Venezuela are still sharply divided along class lines. In the country's upper class-known as "A/B" among Venezuelan demographers-only 38.2% of this group views the country's situation positively. The perception is progressively more positive, the lower people's income, so that in the country's largest and poorest class, known as "E," 68.9% view the country's situation positively. However, when asked how Venezuelans view their personal situation, an overwhelming majority (over 60%) in all classes view it as positive. While Chavez continues to enjoy high levels of support, opposition parties are the least respected institutions in the country, with only 26.8% of the population viewing them positively. Among the most favorably viewed institutions are the church, at 80%, and private enterprise, between 75 and 88%, depending on the sector. With regard to the government's performance in various areas, the most favorable areas were social programs, such as in education, food, and health, with approval ratings of 68.8%, 64.7%, and 64.2% respectively. The government received its lowest score in the area of providing personal security, with a mere 8.4% approval rating. Another area where the government received a low approval rating was its decision not to renew the broadcast license of the private TV channel RCTV, whose license expires on May 27th. Nearly 70% of Venezuelans disapprove of the decision, while only 16.4% support it. The RCTV survey was conducted separately between April 9 and 16.

The Latinobarometro 2007 Report, a highly reputed Chilean publication which monitors opinion trends Latin America, in its annual report this year paints a very different picture of Venezuela than the one pumped by most of the mainstream media. Below its main conclusions: • Uruguayans and Venezuelans are far more likely to say they are "satisfied" with their democracy (66% and 59% respectively) than everyone else in the region. No other nationality hits the 50% mark. • Venezuela ties with Argentina for second place in believing that democracy "is the best form of government" (83% each, compared with 86% for Uruguay at the top and 49% for Panama at the bottom). • Responding to the question "Do you trust in democracy?" Venezuela and Uruguay tie for the top spot, with 77% of the population avowing their "trust," followed by Argentina and Bolivia (67% and 63%). Peru and Panama have 39% and 34%, respectively. If Venezuelans are content with their democratic system, they are even happier over the state of their economy: • 52% of Venezuelans say they are satisfied with the country's "recent economic condition," in a ranking in which the second slot is a three-way tie between Brazil, Ecuador, and the Dominican republic for 26%, or exactly half that figure. • Venezuelans are far more hopeful about their future economic sitch, with 60% believing it will get even better in the year ahead, compared with second place Uruguay. • When asked whether their government works for the well-being of the people, Venezuelans top the list with 70%, followed by Uruguay (67%), Bolivia (64%) and Nicaragua (63%). • Asked if they "trust their government," Venezuelans head the pack, with 66% trust ranking. Compare this with Colombians (41%), Brazilians (35%), Peruvians (22%) and Paraguayans 15%. • Asked if they trust their President in particular, Venezuelans come in second to Uruguay (61% vs. 60%). These massive achievemnts in democracy and social progress in Venezuela will just not be reported in most of the mainstream media.

"Ejiet ellē, sūda jeņki, mēs esam cienījami cilvēki! Ejiet ellē simts reizes," politiskā mītiņā tūkstošiem atbalstītāju histēriski izkliedza Čavess. ------------- patiesi vaardi, un nevis 'histeeriski' bet gan 'uzjautrinoties' jo labi apzinaajaas ka iipashi juutiigie ASV masu meediji saaks histeeriski breekaat par 'diktatoru' 'fidela draugu' kas paartiek no jenjkju labveeliibas un nezin kaapeec Chavesu aarvalstiis nekur nesagaida ar protestiem bet 'demokraatu' no Baltaa nama gan

Čavess ir pret neoliberālisma šoka terapiju ( zināms arī kā Washington Consensus) kas noved pie Burbuļa un pret SVF kas šo modeli uztiepj visai pasaulei rezultātā piepildās Čavesa paredzējums - tie kas seko ASV neoliberālisma 'ekspertu' padomiem nonāk - kā to jau atzina Godmanis - ellē Secinājums: ar ideoloģisku klabēšanu no Burbuļa parādiem ārā netikt

The current situation and challenges: Venezuela's most important immediate challenge is, as for most countries, the world economic recession. This affects Venezuela's economy mainly through oil prices, which have fallen about 70 percent from their July peak last year. At oil prices below $45 per barrel (for Venezuelan oil), Venezuela would begin to run a current account deficit. However, because Venezuela has an estimated $82 billion in reserves, it could finance a modest current account deficit for some time - e.g. even if oil prices were to remain at their current depressed levels for the next two years. But economists and the futures markets are not predicting oil prices to remain at current levels for that long: futures markets are pricing oil at above $60 per barrel in December 2010. With balance of payments constraints unlikely, Venezuela's main challenge in the near future will be to come up with an adequate fiscal stimulus package. Over the intermediate run, it will also want to adjust its exchange rate to a more a competitive level, in order to diversify its economy away from oil. However, because of its ample reserves, the government is unlikely to suffer a forced devaluation in the foreseeable future.

nedaudz elementāru faktu kas liecina par strauju Venecuēlas attīstību: Kā uzlabojušies ekonomiskie un sociālie rādītāji Čavesa laikā: Among the highlights: The current economic expansion began when the government got control over the national oil company in the first quarter of 2003. Since then, real (inflationadjusted) GDP has nearly doubled, growing by 94.7 percent in 5.25 years, or 13.5 percent annually. Most of this growth has been in the nonoil sector of the economy, and the private sector has grown faster than the public sector. During the current economic expansion, the poverty rate has been cut by more than half, from 54 percent of households in the first half of 2003 to 26 percent at the end of 2008. Extreme poverty has fallen even more, by 72 percent. These poverty rates measure only cash income, and does take into account increased access to health care or education. Over the entire decade, the percentage of households in poverty has been reduced by 39 percent, and extreme poverty by more than half. Inequality, as measured by the Gini index, has also fallen substantially. The index has fallen to 41 in 2008, from 48.1 in 2003 and 47 in 1999. This represents a large reduction in inequality. Real (inflationadjusted) social spending per person more than tripled from 1998-2006. From 1998-2006, infant mortality has fallen by more than onethird. The number of primary care physicians in the public sector increased 12fold from 1999-2007, providing health care to millions of Venezuelans who previously did not have access. There have been substantial gains in education, especially higher education, where gross enrollment rates more than doubled from 1999/2000 to 2007/2008. The labor market also improved substantially over the last decade, with unemployment dropping from 11.3 percent to 7.8 percent. During the current expansion it has fallen by more than half. Other labor market indicators also show substantial gains. Over the past decade, the number of social security beneficiaries has more than doubled. Over the decade, the government's total public debt has fallen from 30.7 to 14.3 percent of GDP. The foreign public debt has fallen even more, from 25.6 to 9.8 percent of GDP. Inflation is about where it was 10 years ago, ending the year at 31.4 percent. However it has been falling over the last half year (as measured by threemonth averages) and is likely to continue declining this year in the face of strong deflationary pressures worldwide.